The Numbers Game

I’m on the road this week, calling in from Houston, Texas. I won’t try to hide my dislike of Houston – it seems to have taken all our bad ideas and run them out to ridiculous extremes. Strip malls and overpriced prefab houses, everything drenched in lawn chemicals. Freeways and tollways, everyone hurtling toward the millennium, one each to a car.

By the stroke of an inverse relationship, Greenpeace is in Houston, one of the nation’s most manipulated environments, to protest on behalf of the Headwaters Forest in Northern California, one of the nation’s rare pristine environments. The Headwaters Forest is among the few remaining stands of old-growth redwood left in the U.S. It is owned by Maxxam Corporation of Houston, which is headed by corporate raider Charles Hurwitz. Since I’m speaking to you from Houston, a city I dislike, I’m going to continue with the theme of things I don’t like and throw a bunch of numbers at you. I usually refrain from this because I don’t think it’s fair, particularly in the audio format, but in this case, going by the numbers seems to be the best way to tell the story.
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Helter Shelter

The more I read the newspapers, the more I keep coming back to the same question: If agricultural chemicals are so safe, why do members of anti-government militias keep using them to make bombs? If it’s not a report from the McVeigh trial, then it’s the Republic of Texas or another clutch of wackos here in the Pacific Northwest.

Last week’s newspaper carried a report of an explosion at a pesticide factory in Arkansas that killed three fire fighters. A toxic cloud rose over the town and sent residents to the hospital, poisoned by fumes. Obviously, these folks didn’t know how to shelter in place. Wherever you have large facilities producing or using toxic chemicals there is the potential for an accident. You would think the companies which operate these facilities would feel an obligation to their employees and their communities. Perhaps they would donate money to the local fire department or office of emergency services. Down on the “chemical corridor” along the Mississippi in Louisiana, the chemical facilities – jammed together like New Yorkers on a subway – could share the cost of protecting their communities. Unfortunately, that’s not the case. The chemical companies are protecting their bottom line, so they developed “Shelter in Place.” Television commercials in Louisiana advertise the “shelter in place” concept. In case of an accident, the commercial advises: “1- Go inside 2- Shut doors and windows 3 – Turn off air conditioners, heaters or ventilation system and 4 – Tune in for information.” That’s it.
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Costs of Free Trade

If you’re one of those people who follow Congress, you know our elected representatives will soon debate whether we should extend the current most-favored-nation trading status to the People’s Republic of China. Deng Xiaoping is dead but little has changed in China; anyone who has the courage to publicly disagree with the government is dragged off to jail. Once in prison, dissidents are put to work in factories, making among other things, articles of clothing. Clothes made by prisoners are exported to the western market, where they are very competitive, because political prisoners are not paid for their labor. This is what economists call a comparative advantage.

Because the bureaucrats who run the prisons do not share the profits from the clothing with the prisoners they each have more buying power. American industries believe China is a good market and are lobbying Congress to continue China’s most-favored-nation trading status. American corporations are also seeking to increase trade with Burma, where the SLORC – the State Law and Order Restoration Council – is keeping Aung San Suu Chi – who won the Nobel Prize and the presidential election – under house arrest. Corporations are also seeking increased trade with Nigeria – where General Sani Abacha is holding President Moshood Abiola in prison and who executed writer and activist Ken Saro Wiwa.
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Sticking With the Union

Three weeks ago, I did something I should have done a long time ago. I joined a union. You are now being addressed by a member of the National Writers Union, United Auto Workers, Local 1981, AFL-CIO.

You may think that because I joined the union I have a grievance; perhaps I have a bone to pick with my employer at Greenpeace or maybe here at WebActive. That’s not the case. Although – now that I have the union watching my back, I suppose it wouldn’t hurt to give you a little behind-the-scenes tour at the WebActive commentary factory. First off, what’s with the picture? That is not what I look like. Some Greenpeace bureaucrat took that picture many years ago and somehow Sam Tucker gets his hands on it. Then he paints it yellow, so it looks like my liver exploded. I called him on the phone and said, “What’s with that?” and he said, “Oh, that’s what we do on the web to be creative.” That’s creative? That’s a computer geek with a mouse and too much software and I wind up looking like I’m in the final stages of jaundice. And what about Max Van Peebles? He doesn’t even have a picture! I’m going to be sitting here for weeks across from an empty space. Max probably saw what they did to my picture and is afraid to send one in. And you wonder why I joined the union. And another thing. Do you know why all these commentaries are three minutes long? Because we record them on a machine and after three minutes it cuts you off. We all can’t be succinct and pithy like Gene Karpinski, some of us need to ramble. It’s a burden, I tell you.
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Serf City, Here We Come

There used to be a show on public television in which a guy would talk about the history of technology and the effect it had on political history. For example, the British defeated the French at the Battle of Agincourt because they figured out a way to build a better bow and arrow.

History moves in cycles and sometimes a new idea in technology returns us to an older political context. Genetic engineering, for example. The Monsanto Corporation of St. Louis, Missouri is pushing very hard to have the market accept its host of genetically-altered products. We already know a) these crops are a technological breakthrough and b) an environmental nightmare – but what mutant seed do they carry for our political environment?
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The One That Got Away

How about some good news for once? You must grow tired from all the bad news I bring you. I do. Our good news comes from Chile, that slim country in the south. Until a recently a dictatorship, Chile is again trying on the fashions of democracy.

No sooner had Augusto Pinochet begun to relax his iron fist than multinational corporations from the Northern Hemisphere started lining up for a share of Chile’s natural resources. Among the first was Norway’s Resource Group International, or RGI. RGI maintains a fleet of fishing vessels – factory trawlers – that roam the oceans of the globe, depleting one fishery after another. RGI commissioned a new trawler – the American Monarch – to fish off the Chilean coast. The American Monarch, which is neither American nor a monarch, is the largest fishing vessel ever built, at almost 100 meters long. It’s able to catch and process 500 tons of fish each day. It cost 56 million dollars. Even though the United Nations says 70 percent of the world’s fisheries are fully or over-exploited, RGI plans to build 16 more trawlers after the American Monarch.
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Not Another NAFTA

In 1992, we had a presidential election. In 1993, we had NAFTA. In 1996, we had another presidential election. What are we getting this year? More NAFTA. As surely as winter follows autumn, it looks like we are locked into a cycle of elections-then-free trade agreements. As much as politicians tell us we want free trade agreements, they have a habit of negotiating them right after presidential elections and in a congressional off-year.

The subject for debate in the upcoming round of NAFTA is whether to expand the trade agreement to include Chile. This had been scheduled for 1996, but was delayed by – of course – the elections. Free trade enjoys remarkable support in both parties, but politicians don’t want to discuss it during an election year, because free trade is not popular among voters. Free trade is popular among corporations. Discussing free trade in the midst of a presidential debate might highlight the fact that politicians of both parties are more responsive to corporations than they are to voters.
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