What Might Have Been

Any native-born American over the age of 35 can run for president. Period.

That doesn’t make it a good idea.

Politico reported the other day that Ralph Nader is contemplating another run at the White House.

Sure, he can do it, but why would he? I defended Ralph back in 2000. It wasn’t his fault Al Gore couldn’t carry his home state of Tennessee (which would have given him the White House) and it wasn’t Ralph who picked a loser like Joe Liberman to be Mr. Gore’s running mate. Also, Ralph’s message in 2000 that there wasn’t much difference between the party’s was on target.

That was then. Ralph has now run for president four times, beginning in 1992. His argument has always been that he runs to inject issues that would otherwise not be part of the debate and that was true the first three times. Since 2004, it’s only been about hubris, as far as I can see.

In the process, he’s destroyed his reputation (not that he cares) and diminished his influence (and he should care about that).

If, instead of this perennial presidential campaign, Ralph had decided in 1992 to spend election years stumping for candidates whose views he supported – for the House and Senate and White House – he might now be the kingmaker of the Democratic Party and the party might be a good deal more progressive and less beholden to special interests than it is now.

Sad to think what might have been.

Tet Again?

Happy New Year. Yesterday was the 40th anniversary of the launch of the Tet Offensive in Vietnam. Tet, short for Tet Nguyen Dan, is the Vietnamese new year. Based on a lunar calendar, Tet will begin on 7 February this year.

I’ve been thinking about the Tet Offensive because 1968 was an election year. The US was involved in a long foreign war and although there was no end in sight, the Pentagon and White House told Americans things were getting better.

Then Tet happened and the bottom dropped out. It was a military disaster for Communist forces in Vietnam; the Viet Cong was wiped out as an effective fighting force and the North Vietnamese Army was significantly weakened.

Tet was, however, a political victory. It convinced many in America that our military and political leaders were either out of touch with events in Vietnam or lying to us. It made clear to the public that the United States had no vital interest in “bringing democracy” to a small nation on the far side of the world, a nation that seemed hopelessly divided and one that had no interest in American-style democracy.
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SCOTUS, not POTUS

I never voted for Bill Clinton. I might have, but when he ordered the execution of Ricky Ray Rector, a brain-damaged convict just before the 1992 “Super Tuesday” primaries, I wrote him off as an opportunist for whom I would never vote.

I’ll never vote for Hillary Clinton. She strikes me as someone cut from the same political cloth as her husband. They both remind me of the appointees George W. Bush sends before Senate committees: they tell voters what they think they want to hear, leave themselves wiggle room and once in office make decisions based on polls rather than principle.

Which is not to say the Clintons don’t have their good points. Both are intelligent, curious and quick to learn. As their early careers indicate, they both seem to have good instincts.

The problem with the Clintons is they are corruptible and condition seems incurable.

The answer, I think, is to put them in a place where they can’t be corrupted. That place may be the Supreme Court. Both Clintons are attorneys and their experience makes them as qualified to sit on the court as any justice there. In more than one case, better qualified.

A lifetime appointment would give them the attention they crave while removing them from temptations they so clearly cannot resist.

Who knows, a Clinton on the court might even stay the execution of a brain-damaged convict.

Fortunes of War

Conventional wisdom holds that today’s Republican primary in Florida will narrow the race to two candidates – John McCain and Mitt Romney. Further wisdom from the convention holds that next Tuesday’s multiple primaries will determine which of the two men will receive the nomination.

I won’t disagree with that wisdom, whether or not it proves to be truly wise. Bloggers on the progressive end of the spectrum are cheering for Mr. Romney, on the theory that the treacle-oozing former Massachusetts governor will be easier for the Democratic candidate to beat in November.

Mr. McCain, with his reputation (deserved or not) for straight talk, his entourage of adoring reporters and his ability to appeal to independent voters is thought to be a threat to the Democrats, especially if he matches up against Hillary Clinton. Her selling points – an experienced hand, ready to be commander-in-chief on day one – better describe Mr. McCain than Ms. Clinton.

But here’s the rub – Mr. McCain’s candidacy is only alive today because of the decrease in violence in Iraq in 2007. His campaign nosedived last spring when he – courageously – tied his political future to the success of the surge in US combat troops. When it looked like the surge worked, Mr. McCain’s candidacy came back from the dead.

Now the top issue on voters’ minds is the economy. From the looks of the recession we’ve entered, this will be the issue that will dominate the general election and John McCain, by his own admission, doesn’t know as much about economics as he does about military or foreign policy.

His most notable foray into domestic economics came early in his Senate career when he helped create the savings-and-loan debacle by getting federal regulators to back off their oversight of unethical McCain crony (and political contributor) Charles Keating. To his credit, Mr McCain admitted he’d been wrong and acted like an idiot, but idiocy is a poor qualification for the presidency.

So, if the economy is the number one issue, then perhaps Mr. McCain would be a better punching bag for the Democrats than Mr. Romney, whose background is in corporate management.

The only way to get the subject changed from economics to Mr. McCain’s strong military or foreign policy suits is for something to happen in Iraq. It’s entirely possible – even probable – that big things will happen in Iraq between now and November. What’s not probable – perhaps not even possible – is that a good big thing will happen in Iraq.

As the New Yorker’s Jon Lee Anderson reported last November Moqtada al-Sadr’s Madhi Army has been standing down since August and is supposedly going back into action in March, just about the time both American political parties will have settled on candidates.

If the economy remains sour – as is likely – and continues to dominate the electoral debate, that’s bad news for John McCain. If the subject shifts back to Iraq, it will likely be due to an unhappy turn of events – also bad news for John McCain.

Any way you look at it, it’s a tough year to be a Republican.

Power to the People

You may have seen the headlines about riots in Lebanon in recent days. They can be easy to gloss over. We’re used to riots in the Middle East.

These riots, however are not about Hezbollah or Israel – they’re about electricity. Five people died protesting that their power was cut off.

Surely, if Lebanon was not adjacent to Syria and Israel, it’s likely there would be fewer electrical issues not would people’s nerves be so easily frayed. The dark of night is a much scarier thing if people with guns lurk in it.

The news item reminded me that in Pakistan, people are rioting over the lack of electricity and flour. Again, Pakistan is a nation in turmoil with many problems above and beyond electric power and flour.

Still, I think these things are worth noting. As little as 90 years ago, the great powers of Europe fought for the foolish whims of monarchs, 65 years ago, we fought over political philosophy. In the last 20 years we’ve fought over oil. Now we’re fighting over electricity and flour.

How long before we get to water?

Eerie No More

Last October, I wrote about the electronic political markets at the Tippie College of Business at the University of Iowa.

I noted then that the market had been eerily prescient in the 2000 election, predicting Al Gore would get the most votes, but George Bush would win the election.

As the poet said, “Noting gold can stay,” and this year’s charts, for both the Republican and Democratic primaries, reflect not prescience, but something akin to a kitten chasing a piece of string.

On the GOP side, Rudy Giuliani’s numbers were high for most of 2007, while John McCain fed from the bottom, now that we know the situation is reversed, so is the graph, but who cares? On the Democratic side, see the wild swings Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama experienced in the Iowa-New Hampshire weeks.

I can only guess this market was a victim of its own popularity. Word got out about the market and it was invaded by people aligned with each campaign, trying to game the oracle while simultaneously flooded by barroom prognosticators, the same ones that lose money every week on the NFL and NCAA.

The Theme Park

Twenty-five years ago, I worked at a theme park in central Florida, the one with the mouse. It was not a good fit; I lasted about 90 days, then fled back north. I learned some things, however, and the lessons stayed with me.

The first thing I learned is that appearance is reality. The theme park defined what a pleasing appearance was and enforced it strictly. In the “backstage” areas, managers (“leads” in theme park jargon) would post “hot lists” of “cast members” whose appearance was beginning at odds with the official appearance. (BTW, I was not an actor, I was a waiter. The whole “backstage” and “cast member” routine was part of the corporate groupspeak at the theme park.)

I made the hot list several times because my sideburns crept below my ears’ halfway point. If I worked a double shift, my lead would make me shave in the middle of the day, so our “guests” wouldn’t have to see a five o’clock (or even a three o’clock) shadow. Women made the list for allegedly immoderate displays of jewelry or makeup. Facial hair or visible tattoos were not allowed, period. When we were onstage – and most of us onstage were white – we were all smiles and manners, regardless of how we argued and cursed each other backstage.
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